A Comparative Analysis of Violence in Slave Societies

The institution of slavery has existed across many societies in human history. In this article, we will investigate, compare, and contrast the centrality of violence to the institution of slavery by examining six different slave societies throughout history. These include Ancient Roman slavery, North American slavery, Native American slavery, Caribbean slavery, Brazilian slavery, and modern day Southeast Asian Slavery.

Painting: Slave Trade by John Raphael Smith (1791) — Image from Yale University

Over the course of human history, the institution of slavery has continually existed in almost every form of human society across the globe. This horrendous institution which involves subjugating another human to an inferior social role, devoid of all basic human rights, has been a major part of human civilization. Slavery dates back as early as biblical times, through the glorified society of ancient Rome, into the Middle Ages and Renaissance in Europe, down the west coast of the African continent, through the Trans-Atlantic slave trade into colonial America, and even continues today with modern slavery of the twenty-first century. Although the institution of slavery has changed across each unique geographic region and time period, the fundamental core of slavery remains the same; violence. Every single slave society has relied on violence to some degree or another. Violence is an integral part of slavery that is fundamentally required for the institution of slavery to continue existing. The master-slave relationship cannot exist without violence or the threat of violence against the slave by the master. Violence is the glue that holds the institution of slavery together.

The essential nature of violence to the master-slave relationship and to the institution of slavery can be explored through the study of six unique slave societies. We will begin with an exploration into the violent master-slave relationship of the non-racial slave society of ancient Rome. Next, we will examine aspects of the master-slave relationship in the slave societies involved in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade from Africa to America. Thirdly, we will examine the unique nature of the Native American’s and their master-slave relationship with African slaves. Fourthly, we will explore the sugar plantations of the Caribbean island of Barbados and the horribly violent nature of Barbadian masters. Next, we will dive deep into the abhorrent master-slave relationship in Brazil, spanning from the fifteenth century to the twenty-first century. Finally, we will conclude with an in-depth examination of the state of modern slavery across the globe and its obvious divergence from the old institution of slavery, while also discussing its striking similarities regarding violence in the master-slave relationship.

The first slave society that we will examine is the slave society of ancient Rome. Apart from the Bible, the slave society of ancient Rome has some of the earliest written accounts of slavery that historians have to work with. According to historian Keith Bradley, the surviving written texts involving ancient Roman slavery are primarily personal accounts from slave owners and/or legal documentation regarding the laws regulating the institution of slavery such as the lex Fufia Caninia, which was a piece of Augustan social legislation that dictated the rules of manumission of slaves by their masters.¹ Ancient Rome, like most societies throughout history, operated with a strict social hierarchy. This social hierarchy was critical to the administration of the Roman Empire and to the institution of slavery.² In Roman social hierarchy, slaves were primarily found at the lowest tier. However, a slave’s position was directly connected to their master’s position in this same social hierarchy. If the master was a member of the wealthy elite or the noble class, then their slaves had a significantly higher position in the social hierarchy.³

Compared to the slave of a lower-class, rural farmer, the slaves of the elite had much more freedom and were not required to work long, gruelling hours of intense physical labour. However, complete submission to their master’s will remained constant among all slaves, no matter their social position. Slaves in ancient Rome were at the perpetual disposal of their master and there was no law or power protecting the slave.⁴ No matter what, the slave had to follow the orders of the master. This is where violence becomes central to the master-slave relationship. Direct violence or the threat of direct violence is what kept the slave submissive to the master. Unlike the father-son relationship which was mutually beneficial for both father and son, the master-slave relationship was one-sided towards the master and required the slave to be violently broken down to assure their submission.⁵ The Roman slave-owner held the power of life and death over his slaves, which is why slavery continued to function.⁶ If there was no threat of violence or some type of physical punishment, the slave would not be submissive to the master and would disobey his commands. Because of the threat of violence, the slave is forced to obey in fear. Being a slave meant living in a constant state of fear of violence.

This violence by the master against the slave was commonplace in ancient Roman slavery and not something that would be considered taboo. In fact, according to Bradley, ancient Greek philosopher Galen advocated that slave-owners should use weapons such as rods or whips when they strike their slaves so that they do not injury their hands.⁷ Galen never said to not physically abuse slaves but instead simply advocated for abuse in a disciplined manner. The level of violence committed against the slave was directly related to the command resisted by the slave. For example, if a slave conspired against their master, the slave was usually punished with death or an extremely violent punishment that left them near death. A less serious act of resistance would be punished by a simple physical beating. According to the Digest (a legal book which contained guidelines for delivering justice), burning a slave alive was a common punishment for slaves that committed the crime of conspiracy against their master.⁸ Violence was also used by slave-owners as a way to torture slaves into admitting guilt to a crime against the master (sometimes dishonestly and under duress).⁹

Although the institution of slavery was terribly violent in ancient Rome, the level of violence varied on an individual basis. For the most part, the master-slave relationship operated most efficiently when the master treated the slave with some level of mercy.¹⁰ A slave was much more likely to work efficiently and therefore a provide a greater economic benefit to the master if the slave was not brutally abused and given the basic necessities for life. Roman slave-owners were obligated to provide their slaves with food, water, clothing, and shelter.¹¹ Slaves were usually given military rations that provided them a nutrient-rich meal but were not extravagant by any means.¹²

The violence associated with the master-slave relationship in ancient Roman society is most apparent in accounts of slave resistance. Just like every other slave society, there were instances of slave resistance in ancient Rome. Whether it was because of horrible violence inflicted on the slave or due to the psychological impact of slavery, some slaves attempted to remove themselves from the bondage of slavery. One of the most common ways for a slave to end their slavery was through self-inflicted death.¹³

A final aspect of Roman slavery that demonstrates the integral part of violence in the master-slave relationship is related to the way slave-owners acquired slaves. One of the primary methods of acquiring slaves was through piracy and kidnapping. Bradley references the pirates of Cilicia who were notorious for kidnapping and trafficking slaves near the island of Delos in the Mediterranean.¹⁴ Kidnapping immediately implies the use of violence against the new slave. No human would willingly allow themselves to be taken into slavery, therefore in order to acquire new slaves, violence must be employed by the master. Overall, the master-slave of relationship in ancient Roman slavery demonstrates the necessity for violence in all aspects of the institution, from acquiring slaves, to punishing slaves; Roman slavery could not exist without violence or the threat of violence against the slave from the master.

Moving west, we will examine the slave societies associated with the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, focusing primarily on the Americas. The Trans-Atlantic slave trade involved mostly European nations that travelled down the west coast of the African continent and captured and/or purchased African slaves from local African slave-traders and subsequently transported them to North America where American slave-owners would purchase these African slaves and force them to work on their plantations. Exactly like the master-slave relationship of ancient Rome, the master-slave relationship on North American plantations was entirely reliant on violence against the slave. Immediately from the first instance of kidnapping on the African continent, violence was used against the slaves to keep them from escaping and resisting the Europeans.¹⁵ Violence was integral to the middle passage across the Atlantic and in keeping the slaves from revolting against the ship’s crew. Following the slave’s sale to an American master, violence or the threat of violence was used to force the slave to work in harsh conditions in the fields or in the case of an urban slave, to tend to the chores of the plantation house and the master’s family.¹⁶

Also similar to the slave society of ancient Rome, the violence on American plantations varied from slave-owner to slave-owner. Certain plantations and slave-owners were more violent than others. Slaves who were owned by a harsh, violent slave owner experienced a significantly higher risk of death at the hand of their master. Slaves with more merciful master had a much easier, safer existence — although violence was still present, just significantly less.¹⁷

Another aspect that affected the level of violence against a slave was whether or not they were urban or rural. The living conditions and level of violence of against a household slave was much lower compared to a slave working in the fields. According to historian John Thornton, household slaves on American plantations had a much higher rate of survival than rural slaves.¹⁸ However, this does not imply that urban, household slaves were not physically abused by their masters. Household slaves were still subject to violence at the hand of their master as a way to ensure that they remained submissive. A prime example comes from Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl written by escaped slave Harriet Jacobs in 1861. Throughout her early life Jacobs was abused by her master. Jacobs spent the majority of her developing years trying to avoid the cruelty and violence of her master.¹⁹ Through her years as a slave, Jacobs witnessed the horrific violent nature of her master against his other slaves, including her brother. In her book, she emphasized the physical brutality of the master against his slaves but also highly emphasized the psychological abuse she experienced.²⁰

Abuse against the slave also has a great deal to do with their gender.²¹ Female slaves were much more likely to experience violent sexual abuse, such as rape, although male slaves also experienced this but not to the same extent as female slaves.²² Violent sexual abuse is what Jacobs repeatedly attempted to avoid in her life as a slave. She explains how she willingly spent seven years of her life hiding in the attic of her aunt’s house, which physically deteriorated her body and took away her ability to walk properly, just to avoid her master.²³ The fact that Harriet Jacobs would rather spend her seven years trapped in an incredibly small, enclosed space instead of facing a life of slavery speaks to the level of abuse that slaves experienced at the whims of their masters. American slave-owners also experienced cases of slave resistance and it was met with severe violence against the slave. When Jacobs ran away from her master, he attempted to hunt her down, presumably to inflict physical or sexual violence against her to punish her for her resistance and to prevent future resistance.²⁴

Without violence, this type of slave society would never be sustainable due to the fact that slave-owners were vastly outnumbered by their slaves. If the master did not threaten his slave population with horrific violence, the slaves would simply overthrow the master and revolt. Violence is what held the massive population of slaves submissive to a single master and allowed the American style of slavery to continue for centuries.

The third slave society that we will examine is the Native American slave society, specifically the Cherokee tribe. The slavery in the Cherokee tribe was unique compared to the other slave societies in this study. Cherokee slavery was one of the only forms of slavery where the masters had once been slaves themselves. Originally, when the Europeans first made contact with Native Americans in the 15th century, the Natives were enslaved by the Europeans. However, in 18th century America, the Cherokee were now considered free by the European settlers and Africans had taken the role of slave. The Cherokee Nation adopted black slavery to demonstrate their level of “civilization” to the white Europeans with the goal of stopping them from invading their land.²⁵ By implementing slavery of Africans, the Cherokee increased their economic growth and independence from white America, but also demonstrated a significant social distance from the African slaves.²⁶

Initially, when the Cherokee adopted African slavery, the master-slave relationship between Cherokee and African slave was significantly less violent than the white American slave society. Historian Tiya Miles argues this is because of the previous connection that Cherokee had with slavery, being slaves themselves previously, but also because the Cherokee did not initially share the same negative view of race that white Americans held.²⁷ Miles argues that Cherokee slave owners were more liberal and less punishing of their slaves than white slave-owners.²⁸ The emphasis here is on the word less, which implies that violent punishment was still utilized by the Cherokee, just not as frequently or as forceful. Early 19th century Cherokee did not share the Anglo-American view of racial inequality of Africans but over the course of the 19th century and the due to the eventual forcefully removal of the Cherokee nation from their original homeland, the Cherokee nation eventually adopted the European view of Africans as an inferior race.²⁹ As the Cherokee nation was forced to move to Oklahoma, the master-slave relationship became more violent. Now that the Cherokee had began to view their African slaves as racially inferior, the violence against slaves by their masters began to mimic the increasingly violent master-slave relationship of white American slave-owners.³⁰ Even in a slave society with a relatively low level of initial violence against their slaves, violence still remained to maintain the master-slave relationship.

The fourth slave society that we will examine is the slave society present on sugar plantations on the Caribbean island of Barbados. Similar to slavery in the American south, slavery in Barbados was reliant on the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Slavery began in Barbados when the British originally settled on the Caribbean island and brought indentured servants with them.³¹ Although indentured servants willingly chose to enter servitude to pay off a debt or to gain land in the New World following their release from servitude, these indentured servants were treated like slaves and maintained the same master-slave relationship as the later African slaves. According to author Andrea Stuart, masters of indentured servants would physically beat their servants.³² Violence was integral in the master-slave relationship with indentured servants in Barbados. Before even arriving on the island, indentured servants experienced a horrific voyage across the middle passage, filled with violence against them by the ship’s crew.³³ Indentured servants were completely broken by their servitude; emotionally, physically, and psychologically.³⁴ Even though the indentured servants voluntarily signed up to be servants, the threat of violence was used by their masters to keep them submissive and deter resistance.

When sugar plantations became popular and profitable in Barbados, the indentured servant population was too small and sporadic to successfully produce sugar. Plantation owners made the switch to African slavery due to the massive number of African slaves available in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade.³⁵ The arrival of African slaves to the sugar plantations of Barbados transformed the racial balance of the island. White men went from being the large majority to the small minority amidst all the African slaves.

With the rise of African slavery, Barbadian slave-owners became more violent and harsh against their slaves to counter the threat of being outnumbered by their slaves.³⁶ On top of sugar production being an already harsh environment, Barbadian slave-owners, due to their hyper-masculine society and the relative lawlessness, became incredibly violent against their slaves. According to Andrea Stuart, her distance grandfather, Robert Cooper Ashby, ruled his sugar plantation like a king. Ashby and his head rangers, armed with whips, knives, and sometimes guns, would traverse the sugar fields and administer impromptu punishment to slaves who they deemed were not working to the proper standard.³⁷ Because Barbadian slave-owners were also the men in control of the Barbados legal system, they were free to be as violent as they wanted to their slaves without any fear of legal repercussion.³⁸

The slaves on sugar plantations would commit horrendous acts as a show of resistance against their masters. They would abort their unborn fetuses so that their child would not have to experience a life of violent slavery, but also to stop the master from acquiring a new slave.³⁹ Similar to other slave societies, these slaves would also resort to suicide to remove themselves from the institution of slavery permanently. Also similar to other slave societies, sexual violence against slaves was rampant in Barbados. Female slaves were constantly sexually abused by their masters, mostly due to the high male to female sex ratio on the island.⁴⁰

The level of violence was much higher in Barbados compared to other slave societies we’ve examined partly because of the difficulty involved with running a sugar plantation. Sugar production was an incredibly delicate and difficult process. In order to insure the successful operation of a sugar plantation, slave-owners needed to insure their slaves followed every command and keep resistance to a minimum. To achieve this level of submission and authority over his slaves, the master would resort to extreme levels of violence to force the slaves into submission and therefore guaranteeing his successful sugar harvest. The fact that slave murder was only abolished in 1805 with “An Act for the Better Protection of Slaves of this Island” speaks to the violent nature of the master-slave relationship.⁴¹ In Barbados, more than most other slave societies, violence was completely integral to the function of the institution of slavery and consequently the production of sugar.

The penultimate slave society we will examine is the slave society of Brazil, the largest in South America from the 16th century all the way to the 21st century. Brazil was settled primarily by Portuguese settlers and in the early 16th century, these settlers began to import slaves as part of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. From the 1580s to the 1690s, the overwhelming majority of Brazil’s slave population was coming from Central Africa across the Atlantic.⁴² The slave society present in Brazil from the 16th century through to the 19th century was very similar to the previously discussed slave societies; however, Brazil was unique in one crucial, violent aspect. In Brazil, slaves were subject to horrible treatment by their masters and had incredibly short life spans. This was because it was very expensive to foster slave families and provide slaves with the basic necessities for life. Instead, Brazilian slave owners worked their slaves to death and then simply replaced the deceased slaves with new ones brought over from Africa.⁴³ The Brazilian slave society imported more slaves than any other nation involved in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade.⁴⁴ Because of the short life span of slaves in Brazil, the master-slave relationship became much more violent. Brazilian slave-owners no longer needed to provide basic necessities for their slaves like American slave-owners. This allowed Brazilian slave-owners to increase their violence against slaves in order to keep them productive and submissive. Since there was a major emphasis on buying new slaves rather than growing the slave population through reproduction, the male slave population vastly outnumbered the female slave population which led to minimal childbirth in Brazilian slave society.⁴⁵

Similar to all other previous slave societies, Brazilian slave-owners also sexually assaulted their slaves, both male and female. The master-slave relationship in Brazil was similar to the violent master-slave relationship in Barbados because of the similar style of sugar plantation present in Brazil, which required the slaves to complete more dangerous work than on American plantations.⁴⁶ Overall, because of the constant purchasing of new slaves from Africa, the Brazilian master-slave relationship was built on violence which forced the slaves to work until they died and then be swiftly replaced by a new African slave.

In 1888, Brazil became the last country of the Americas to fully abolish slavery.⁴⁷ However, even into 2018, slavery exists in Brazil under a new guise. Technically, this new modern slavery is not called slavery but instead it is called debt bondage. Since there is no longer ownership of these people, they simply owe a debt to the master.⁴⁸ In modern day Brazil, individuals who are in dire need of money to feed their families, or individuals who are kidnapped off the streets, have their identities stripped away from them and are forced to work in the forests of Brazil, destroying their own natural environment to make charcoal which the master then sells for large profits.⁴⁹ These slaves are paid only the bare minimum to keep them alive, but never enough to where they can ever pay back their debt, essentially trapping them in bondage indefinitely or until they are no longer useful to the master. Although they can be held in debt bondage forever, the typical debt bondage only lasts around three months due to the slave becoming ill or exhausted and therefore no longer profitable for the master to keep the slave.⁵⁰ The master-slave relationship between the Brazilian charcoal bosses and these debt-bonded slaves is incredibly violent. Since they are technically not owned by the master, the only thing keeping these workers at the charcoal camp is the immediate threat of violence against the slave or the slave’s family. Author Kevin Bales even describes these charcoal camps as a “concentration camp” method of enslavement.⁵¹ Due to the very short time period for each individual in debt bondage, the conditions of their slavery are incredibly harsh. These slaves are completely disposable to the master and therefore he does not need to provide anything for the slave, especially safety. The charcoal workers complete their work in horrific conditions; wearing essentially nothing, these workers are forced to shovel charcoal inside of ovens where the heat constantly burns their skin and they are always at risk of falling in the oven and becoming brutally disfigured or killed by the red-hot coals.⁵² This new modern slavery differs in its method of slavery but shares the same master-slave relationship that is solely reliant on violence against the slave.

Finally, the last slave society we will examine is the modern slave society in Thailand. In this new modern slave society, people become completely disposable tools for their “masters” to make quick money.⁵³ The master-slave relationship for this new slavery is different than previous relationships we’ve looked at. In this new slavery, the definition of ownership is unclear. Since slavery has legally been abolished in Thailand, technically the slave is not owned by the master, similar to the modern slavery in Brazil mentioned previously. Because there is no legal ownership, there are no laws that the “slaveholder” must follow regarding the safety and well-being of the slave like in the old model of slavery.⁵⁴ In the new model of slavery, the master utilizes violence to completely control the slave. Violence is absolutely integral to modern slavery, much more so than old slavery. In old slavery, the master legally owned the slave which itself provided control over the slave and made the slave legally inferior to the master. In new slavery, because there is no ownership, all the control by the master must be held through violence or the threat of violence.⁵⁵ The slave society of Thailand use the method of debt bondage to capture young girls and boys for prostitution at brothels owned by the slaveholder.⁵⁶ Author Kevin Bales makes the comparison between these slaves and cheap computers. Both are used exclusively for economic benefit, both are without human rights, and both are completely disposable.⁵⁷ The new slavery master-slave relationship is completely reliant on violence and shares the similar disposable nature with Brazil in that the master does not have to provide any benefit or necessity to the slave if they doesn’t choose to. The master can simply let the slave die from being overworked or disease and acquire a new one at a cheap price and repeat the same cycle.⁵⁸ Bales argues that due to the violent nature of modern slavery, the only way to stop this horrific institution would be for the state to provide everyone with a reasonable standard of living and state welfare. In this instance, slavery cannot exist because no one will willingly sign themselves up for debt bondage if the state provides social welfare to people in poverty. Bales argues that slavery grows quickest in extreme poverty and that once the problem of poverty is solved, the slavery problem can be solved.⁵⁹

Not only is physical abuse rampant in the master-slave relationship of the Thai slave society, sexual abuse is also intrinsically linked to this master-slave relationship. Because of the nature of slavery in Thailand being sex slavery, slaves are constantly being raped and sexually abused by their masters and his long list of clients.⁶⁰ With this rampant sexual abuse comes a lifetime of psychological and emotional consequences for these slaves, both male and female.⁶¹ The slaves suffer from a similar condition to Stockholm syndrome where the slave forms an emotional attachment to the master because the master is not only the direct source of physical and sexual punishment, but also the only source of reward. These masters (essentially pimps) psychologically manipulate their slaves into fearing them but also find comfort in them so that if they ever have the opportunity to escape they won’t because they know that they are provided for by their master.⁶² Although the institution of slavery has experienced a drastic change in new modern slavery, the master-slave relationship now more than ever is reliant on violence for complete control of the slave by the master. New slavery could not exist without violence or the threat of violence against the slave by the master. Thailand is just one example of the horrors of new slavery that continues to exist in the world today.

In conclusion, as seen through these six distinct slave societies, the master-slave relationship and the institution of slavery are both completely reliant on violence from the master against the slave. In ancient Rome, the slave was kept submissive and afraid to resist their master’s commands due to the immediate threat of violence. In the American south, slaves like Harriet Jacobs were constantly threatened by their masters with violence, both physical and sexual. In the Cherokee Nation, although not nearly as violent as other societies, African slaves were violently abused by their Cherokee masters in order for the Cherokee to prove their level of progress and civilization to the white Americans. On the Caribbean island of Barbados, the hyper-masculine society of sugar planters were viciously brutal with the physical abuse of their slaves and required the use of violence in order to ensure that their sugar plantations continued their high level of sugar production. In Brazil, the master-slave relationship was very similar to that of the sugar plantations in Barbados. Even into the 21st century, the brutality of Brazilian slavery continues. Finally, the masters of new slavery, such as the Thai sex trafficking slave society, continue to utilize violence as the sole method of controlling their slave population. Slavery and the master-slave relationship has always been completely reliant on violence and will always be completely reliant on violence until the eventual end of slavery.

Footnotes

1 Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 10.

2 Ibid, 3.

3 Ibid, 89.

4 Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 5.

5 Ibid, 6.

6 Ibid, 25.

7 Ibid, 28.

8 Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 114.

9 Ibid, 170.

10 Ibid, 5.

11 Ibid, 81.

12 Ibid, 90.

13 Ibid, 109.

14 Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 37.

15 John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800, 2nd ed (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 35.

16 John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800, 2nd ed (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 162.

17 Ibid, 178.

18 Ibid, 178.

19 Harriet A. Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, (Dover Thrift Editions, 2001), 18.

20 Harriet A. Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, (Dover Thrift Editions, 2001), 18.

21 Ibid, 66.

22 John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800, 2nd ed (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 166.

23 Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, 122.

24 Ibid, 128.

25 Tiya Miles, Ties That Bind: The Story of an Afro-Cherokee Family in Slavery and Freedom, American Crossroads 14 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 4.

26 Ibid, 4–5.

27 Ibid, 42.

28 Ibid, 41.

29 Tiya Miles, Ties That Bind: The Story of an Afro-Cherokee Family in Slavery and Freedom, American Crossroads 14 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 160.

30 Ibid, 153.

31 Andrea Stuart, Sugar in the Blood: A Family’s Story of Slavery and Empire (New York: First Vintage Books, 2013), 42.

32 Ibid, 88.

33 Ibid, 23.

34 Ibid, 47.

35 Ibid, 61.

36 Andrea Stuart, Sugar in the Blood: A Family’s Story of Slavery and Empire (New York: First Vintage Books, 2013), 71.

37 Ibid, 158.

38 Ibid, 184.

39 Ibid, 177.

40 Ibid, 186.

41 Andrea Stuart, Sugar in the Blood: A Family’s Story of Slavery and Empire (New York: First Vintage Books, 2013), 204.

42 James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in The African-Portuguese World, 1441–1770 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 18.

43 Ibid, 41.

44 Ibid, 25.

45 James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in The African-Portuguese World, 1441–1770 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 67.

46 Ibid, 227.

47 Kevin Bales, Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2012), 124.

48 Ibid, 129.

49 Ibid, 126.

50 Kevin Bales, Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2012), 129.

51 Ibid, 129.

52 Ibid, 131.

53 Ibid, 4.

54 Kevin Bales, Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2012), 5.

55 Ibid, 5.

56 Ibid, 9.

57 Ibid, 14.

58 Ibid, 31.

59 Kevin Bales, Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2012), 31.

60 Ibid, 47.

61 Ibid, 59.

62 Ibid, 62.

Bibliography

Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2012.

Bradley, Keith. Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Jacobs, Harriet A. Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Dover Thrift Editions, 2001.

Miles, Tiya. Ties That Bind: The Story of an Afro-Cherokee Family in Slavery and Freedom. American Crossroads 14. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005.

Stuart, Andrea. Sugar in the Blood: A Family’s Story of Slavery and Empire. New York: First Vintage Books, 2013.

Sweet, James H. Recreating Africa: Culture, Kinship, and Religion in The African-Portuguese World, 1441–1770. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

Thornton, John. Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800. 2nd ed. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Originally published at https://lifeaccordingtomax.com on January 1, 2021.

Historian • MA in History • I write about the past and life in general! I’m also a Star Wars Enthusiast! Check out my website: https://lifeaccordingtomax.com

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